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Adam Przeworski's avatar

I find you comment convincing and consequential. Do you mind if I refer to it in the Diary?

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Kunheo's avatar

Dear Adam,

Enjoyed reading your diary as usual.

Can we ask "Why many Germans ignored the possibility of Hitler's dictatorship?" instead of "Why many Germans did not predict Hitler's dictatorship?" Many within the German bourgeoisie might have very well recognized the risk but chose to overlook it because they feared the left more. In effect, they took a calculated risk. For instance, the Reichstag fire—allegedly set by van der Lubbe, a communist—played a key role in legitimizing Nazi consolidation of power. When they thought that it's going to be either Nazis or commis, many opted for the former, based on expected utility.

So, the relevant information may not have been about what Hitler would do once in power, but rather how that compared to what might happen if he didn’t take power—the “disorder” they feared. Much of Nazi propaganda centered on stoking fears of international communism and Jewish conspiracies, reinforcing this perceived trade-off. Also, this is related to upending of the "natrual" order that you mentioned.

I see echoes of this logic today. In South Korea, even after the failed coup attempt, around 30% of voters continued to support President Yoon, according to polls. When I talked to people, many said things like, “Yes, I know he’s terrible, but he’s still better than the liberals, who are basically Chinese spies.” My impression is that a similar thing is happening in the U.S. as well: some in the American middle class seem to think, “I know Trump is dangerous—he instigated January 6 and might try something like that again—but I’m more afraid of radical liberals who are going to dismantle the institutions I care about.” As in Nazi case, it's about how bad the liberals are rather than how good Trump is.

So perhaps the stability of democracy depends, in part, on how secure the middle class feels. When they perceive themselves to be under threat, they may become more willing to entertain risky political bets. And their perception isn’t entirely unfounded or driven solely by propaganda or misinformation—these strategies are effective exactly because socio-economic shifts have genuinely put their status at risk.

Best,

Kun

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